Tuesday, September 4, 2012

Pomona City Council Chooses Trash Over Residents

http://la.indymedia.org/news/2012/07/254443.php

by Rockero, photos by Melissa Ayala Monday, Jul. 23, 2012 at 2:12 AM 
rockero420@yahoo.com
Monday, July 16, 2012

POMONA, California - A city council meeting to decide the fate of a proposed waste transfer station in the city's impoverished east end became contentious as various factions interacted at a pre-meeting rally. After a long corporate presentation and an even longer public comment period, the council voted against the vast majority of the community to approve the project. Protest, including some shoving involving police, ensued.
Pomona City Council ...
Valley Vista, the company proposing the project, has had its eye on Pomona for over ten years now, during which time it has been making financial contributions to politicians and non-profits, halting political payouts (except to the mayor) just in time for the councilmembers to be able to legally (but not ethically) vote on the project.

Upon its initial proposal about two years ago, Valley Vista sought just over ten acres on which to build a regional "transfer station" that would sort garbage from 11 area cities before shipping it to landfills and other destinations.

Of course, the plan provoked consternation among residents, who already suffer from high rates of police violence, poverty, and environmental racism.

The Los Angeles affiliate of the Alinskyist Industrial Areas Foundation, One LA, played a leading role in creating awareness about the project. However, once the community became aware, concerned youth unaffiliated with the IAF spearheaded efforts to spread that awareness throughout the affected area by door-knocking, creating art, and holding demonstrations. Nonetheless, these youth were excluded from negotiations that One LA entered into with David Perez, the owner of Valley Vista and the disgraced former mayor of the neighboring City of Industry. (Perez resigned in late June, purportedly for health reasons,1 but under clouds of numerous allegations of corruption regarding city contracts with his family businesses, as well as for contributions to LA county district attorney Steve Cooley's re-election fund while the city was under investigation for conflicts of interest regarding the contracts.2)

One LA, apparently having come accepted that the station was a foregone conclusion, came up with a set of demands on the company rather than organizing to prevent the establishment of the station in the city outright. These included demands addressing environmental concerns, such as the demand that the station be served by no diesel-fueled trucks, that the facility not include a diesel fueling station, and for a reduction in the tonnage of waste processed there.

Others are better-termed conciliatory petitions, such as the "demand" that the 50-some jobs predicted by the company be designated specifically for Pomona residents. (A more genuine demand would be for union jobs, or at very least, that the employer respect the workers' right to unionize if they so choose. In One LA's negotiations, the issue of unionization was not even on the table.)

Some, on the other hand, were just self-serving, including the demand that Valley Vista fund a "clean and green" non-profit that would be managed by a board composed of One LA members.

These demands, and the negotiations around them, were not generally known to the public until the company's appeal before the planning commission last Monday. (Public opposition to the transfer station had resulted in the Pomona city planning commission's deadlocked vote, effectively denying the permit application.)

One LA scheduled a rally just prior to the meeting and mobilized a fair number of people from its member institutions, which consist of a few, mostly white Protestant churches in the Pomona and Claremont area, a heavily-Latino Catholic church, and the Associated Pomona Teachers. While the public messaging about the rally continued to be "stop the 9th street transfer station" on facebook and elsewhere,3 One LA was prepared to support the project if its demands were met. And in negotiations between a select group of individuals from the member congregations, the deal was all but guaranteed.

However, just prior to the meeting, which was held in a large lecture hall at Western University downtown (which was controversial in itself due to Western's stated support for the project), word got out about the secret negotiation. Other groups also showed up to rally, although with their own causes.

Valley Vista brought its own supporters, who wore green buttons reading "Jobs for Pomona" and carried picket signs bearing supportive messages. Most, if not all, were employees from other Valley Vista operations.

Activists affiliated with Pomona Habla, a community coalition that has focused primarily on the checkpoint and vehicle impound issues that disproportionately affect the undocumented population, generally oppose the project, but rallied in support of a popular referendum to allow the people decide whether they wanted the station or not. A similar referendum was held about six years ago and shot down the idea.

But the most vociferous group was an autonomous group of Pomona youth, who were livid not only about the trash, but also about One LA's exclusive negotiations. Other unaffiliated community members gravitated toward this group. They carried signs that read "One LA doesn't speak for me!" and chanted "No transfer station! No negotiation!" Their chants drowned out One LA's amplified speeches, and some One LA members became very defensive in the face of the criticism.

Things heated up as the time for the meeting approached, but calmed again as the 400-some interested folks filed into the hall.

Following strict admonitions against cell phone usage, applauding, booing, and other uncontrolled forms of participation, the first item on the agenda was a lengthy presentation from Valley vista detailing the project. After the presentation, councilmember Freddie Rodriguez asked how much the city was going to be receiving from the company for upkeep to roads resulting from the increased traffic by the garbage trucks, and learned that the figure was one million dollars. The estimated cost of the repairs, he learned on further inquiry, was between three and five million.

The presentation was followed by the public comment period, which was divided between supporters and opponents. David Perez and his attorney spoke first. In his comments, Perez discussed some of the amendments the company had made to the application based on the negotiations with One LA. Most of the project supporters came from Pomona's business community, including the chamber of commerce and the Downtown Owners Association. Some, however, came from the non-profit sector. The Boys and Girls Club, for example, registered its support for Valley Vista. It has received financial contributions from the business4 and David Perez is president of the executive committee of its board of directors.5 Their comments took about a half hour.

Next followed the comments of the opponents, which grouped One LA members with the other opponents of the project. The impassioned speeches were based on intensive research, concern for the youth, and especially, fear of the environmental impact of the plant. Leaders from One LA did their best to register conditional support, but for the most part, their comments ended up sounding neutral. Their rank-and-file members gave speeches that were not as carefully-aligned with the official message of the organization, and which made many good points. Other speakers included a man who spoke in Spanish about his opposition to the plant, and who has been turning in signed petitions at every public meeting on the topic. On Monday he turned in another 600-odd signatures, bringing his total to about 6,000. Another resident took advantage of the presence of the president of Western University to denounce the planned clearing of several magnolia and jacaranda trees from Western's parking lots to make way for a housing project. She spoke against the station, and used the final moments of her comments to bring attention to Perez's resignation from the mayorship of the City of Industry, the only speaker to do so. One young artist recommended that instead of a waste transfer station, that the city instead install an eco-friendly composting facility. Jim Sanbrano, the attorney with the Pomona Habla coalition, brought up the potential illegality of One LA's negotiations, citing a ruling that found that such talks must be held in public. One man spoke of the danger to the water table beneath the city. Many questioned One LA's authority to negotiate on behalf of the entire city. Wary of the police presence to enforce the "no applause" ban, numerous participants, especially the youth, "twinkled" their fingers in support of comments they agered with in the manner of occupy.

In total, over an hour's worth of public commentary critical of the proposal was given and heard by the majority of the council. Among those not listening were the mayor, who had recused himself from the hearing for having received campaign contributions from the company, and councilmember Ginna Escobar, who was too busy texting, fixing her hair, and otherwise disengaging from the process.

Perez and his attorney took more than their allotted time of five minutes to theatrically rebut their critics, and then the council launched into discussions. During the discussions, an audience member who is a well-respected writer and a mentor to many of the area DREAMers, asked about the water issue and was promptly ejected from the meeting by the police. Councilmember Cristina Carrizosa questioned the last-minute changes to the proposal based on One LA's negotiations. "Why are these changes being made now? We have been relying on documentation detailing a prior version of this project, and are not in a position to make a decision without the chance to analyze the changes." She made a motion to subject the proposal to a popular vote. The air became tense as the room waited for someone to second, which would have allowed the motion to go forward. None came. As the moderator moved to the next point, one young man shouted out "Shame on you! Shame on you!" Police quickly moved in to silence and eject him, but he left voluntarily. He inspired others to do the same. "If you kick him out, you'd better kick me out too!" "This is not democracy!" and further shouts of "Shame!" were heard as a large contingent of angry residents exited the lecture hall.

Discussions of voting the council out of office gave way to chants of "November will smell like trash!" from outside the hall. Police began herding protesters out of the hallways, using force at times. One elderly man took a spill on the steps from the force.

The crowd regained composure and began quietly discussing the issue when police approached and informed the group that it had to leave the premises. The administration of private university had ordered their removal, calling into question yet again the council's choice of location for the "public" meeting.

As midnight neared, the council finally took their votes. Carrizosa and Rodriguez voted to oppose certification of the environmental impact report, with the remainder of the council voting to in favor of its certification. Carrizosa and Rodriguez also opposed the parcel map, with the remaining councilmembers approving it. Carrizosa left the meeting in protest, and missed the vote to approve the conditional use permit, leaving Rodriguez as the only vote oppositional vote. The project was approved.

The decision marks an obstacle for the movements for democracy and environmental justice in Pomona and the greater region. Numerous avenues to overcoming the obstacle are being explored, including legal injuctions, demonstrations, and research into allegations of corruption, including suspicions that councilmember Danielle Soto's campaign manager is on Valley Vista's payroll, among others.

The issue also raises other issues about the political process in Pomona. Does a single organization, even if composed of numerous groups, have the authority to privately negotiate on behalf of all the residents of the city? Why has One LA changed its name to the "Inland Empire Sponsoring Committee," and what is it sponsoring? Are non-profits in the city "for sale" to corporations making tax-deductible donations to them? Where are the voices of the oppressed in the process, especially when the negotiating organization is composed primarily of white, middle-to upper class elderly church members? Why is the teacher's union supporting the project when there is no guarantee that the workers will have the benefit of union protections? How can Pomona solve the unemployment and poverty problems within its boundaries without creating environmental hazards of which the poorest and most marginalized will bear the brunt? How can we organize in such a way that not only produces concrete victories and changes, but also avoids the pitfalls of NIMBYism and creates a space for consciousness-raising about local and global issues?

The community, angered by the trash company's purchase of their democracy as well as the perception that One LA has sold them out for its own short-term benefit, will be seeking answers to these questions as it renews its own organizational process and its pursuit of justice.

______________________ 
1. Baeder, Ben. "2 minutes and $228 million: Here's how Industry spends its money." San Gabriel Valley Tribune, June 30, 2012. Accessed July 23, 2012. http://www.sgvtribune.com/news/ci_20979720/2-minutes-and-228-million-heres-how-industry

2. Connell, Rich. "Cooley's donations raise questions about the line between fundraising and probes." Los Angeles Times, September 6, 2010. Accessed July 23, 2012. http://articles.latimes.com/2010/sep/06/local/la-me-cooley-contributions-20100906

3. "Don't Trash Pomona! | Stop the 9th Street Waste Transfer Station." https://www.facebook.com/donttrashpomona. Accessed July 23, 2012.

4. Boys & Girls Club of Pomona Valley. "Our Supporters." http://www.bgcpv.org/about-us/our-supporters/. Accessed Junly 23, 2012.

5. Boys & Girls Club of Pomona Valley. "Board of Directors." http://www.bgcpv.org/faculty/board-of-directors/. Accessed Junly 23, 2012.

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One LA rally.

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Full house

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Corporate presentation

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Pro-referendum

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Teacher speaks out

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Youth speak out

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Ginna Escobar has better things to do than listen to the public and participate in the meeting. In this photo, she reads a text. Who is it from?

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Ejected from the meeting

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Post-walkout meeting

Big surprise: Corporate media fucks up chalk walk story


http://la.indymedia.org/news/2012/07/254310.php 
I don't usually do these opinion-type pieces, but I'm trying something a little different here. Bear with me.

I feel like I need to write a little to give some context to the Occupy LA's ChalkWalk action of Thursday night due to the inaccuracies rampant in the corporate media.

While some journalists actually talked to Occupy and got some background on the CCA and how the chalk action grew out of it, most of them got things horribly wrong when it came to describing who did what at Artwalk.

Just to be clear, I wasn't present, but the next night at Fort Manning (the camp set up at the courthouse to demand the freedom of political prisoner and accused whistleblower Private Manning) I talked to many participants of Chalk Walk. I have also reviewed the video evidence and have been following the movement closely.

The first arrest of the evening was indeed of an occupier for chalking on the sidewalk. Video is available here:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=csdK83r76Po

So is the second:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dLNAMF5dWgc

Subsequent skirmishes and arrests, however, primarily involved Artwalk attendees who are unaffiliated with Occupy LA.

The crowd was of Artwalkers drawn by the cops in riot gear who responded to the chalking. (Nothing draws a crowd like a phalanx of riot cops.) It was Artwalk attendees who threw bottles and possibly the other projectiles claimed by media and police (although none of the videos I've seen show anyone throwing rocks).

Occupy LA yells at cops, makes fun of them, gets in their faces, and openly defies them through acts of civil disobedience, such as taking the streets and, now that they've decided it's illegal, chalking. But they do not throw things at them. The apolitical/depoliticized artwalk attendees (hipsters, artists, and homeboys, especially) are not as accustomed to interacting with police in a protest environment and had the natural reaction to witnessing such aggression: rage.

It was these folks, untempered by months of political resistance that has provoked brutal law enforcement response and trained activists in best practices, who let their anger get the best of them, not our occupiers.

Members of street defense organizations (i.e. gangs), unlike the hipsters and the artists, are used to tangling with police in confrontational situations, but homeboys also know how to fight back.

So this was the combination that brought about the volatile situation on Thursday, and brings up a couple of issues.

The first is one of strategy. The anti-chalking enforcement is obviously bullshit. Chalking is a harmless way to publicly express oneself and efforts to criminalize run counter to the principle of free speech that must be defended at all costs. A "chalk-in"--that is, deliberate civil disobedience of the unjust laws being cited by cops to arrest and try people if they are indeed bothering to rely on some section of code, falls directly in line with the tradition of the IWW free speech fight, lunch counter sit-ins, and even such acts as deliberately planting hemp or marijuana for political purposes. Handing out chalk and encouraging its use, in my view, was a brilliant strategy in that it created the opportunity for the civil disobedience to be highly participatory, widely expressive, and simultaneously allowed for outreach that politicizes and empowers.

However, it leads to the next issue, which is actually two issues combined: safety and responsibility. It is incumbent upon event organizers, especially when those events are political, to prioritize the safety of all participants, the unpredictability of police violence notwithstanding. That is, to the extent that it is humanly possible, participants in a political action, especially one intended to break the law, need to know what risks they are taking and what the potential consequences are. They need to be able to freely accept those risks and consequences or walk away from them as they are comfortable or able, especially as things escalate. Think about it like sex with a partner who has a right to say "no" (or use the safety word) at any time. That's practicing consent.

However, it is not clear that all Artwalk chalkers or Artwalkers who became confrontational with police knew those risks and consequences and made their decisions based on knowledge of those risks. In fact, it's pretty clear that at least some of them didn't. This is especially crucial as it concerns vulnerable individuals and communities: folks who are on probation or parole, those with prior criminal convictions, transgender folk, the young, the elderly, the disabled, and of course, the undocumented or those who could become deportable via negative contact with the law (i.e. permanent residents or folks on visas).

Just to continue on this idea, responsibility doesn't end with the action, it continues until everyone entangled is out of the clutches of the police state and its complex. Fortunately, the most conscientious of the OLA comrades are aware of this and are working very hard on the cases of the people who were caught up, and that fact deserves to be recognized.

Before I move on to conclusions, I'd like to point out a few other ways the for-profit media is fucking up. Censorship: KTLA interviewed the same vato as Sam Slovick, but neglected to show his baseball-sized welt. If you're gonna interview the guy that got shot, wouldn't you think you'd mention it and show visual evidence? In all likelihood that was the reporter's intent but these decisions are made at the editorial level, not by the face in front of the camera.

And this last one is pretty silly, but worth mentioning. The photo gallery on the LA Times website has some decent images, but is sorely lacking in accuracy and context. For example, the caption on the photo of the march to Fort Manning Friday night says that the march was in response to the police action. Wrong! That march for Manning had been planned for weeks prior to the Chalk Walk, and was about Pvt. Manning, even of some of the anger about the chalk was still palpable. The photographer (or the captioner?) also fucks up by calling the rubber bullet rifles "non-lethal." Wrong again. Those shits can kill. And finally, on a lighter note, at least one of those pics highlights the fact that it was amateur night. All of us have photos of ourselves standing in front of a row of riot cops (or with them behind us) because we participate in the struggles that bring on the repression. But one of the LA Times pics (and a YouTube video) demonstrate that for most of those people, this was the first time they had ever seen it, and they were snapping up the chance at the "romantic" or "funny" photo op.

Let's move on to conclusions. I contend that the evaluation of this action depends on the outcome, which has yet to be seen. We're already starting to see some of it on both sides, from the anti-Occupy that always crops up everywhere, en masse, usually from the corporate sector and the rightwing commentators (and I'm including those assholes like Randy Treadway who just make stupid comments from their facebook pages on the LA Times comment section and this Robert Vogel motherfucker on YouTube who don't know the shit he's talking about--you seen that?) to the pro-Occupy gallery owner who, post Chalk Walk, realized that "[t]he government is treated [sic] people like dirt and is suppressing our basic rights to be heard." This is the battle of public opinion, and it's still being waged, so don't hesitate to get your voice out there, if not somewhere very public, then at least to your friends and family on your facebook. What you say will influence how they think about it. (On second thought, some of you should probably remain silent.)

But the battle of public opinion on the web is not as important as the opinions of the non-activist people that were there, and whether or not they are politicized or radicalized by their experience. It only takes one good police riot to catalyze a "normal" person into somebody who not only realizes that shit-is-fucked-up-and-bullshit, but who is also willing to do something about it. 'Til then, the jury's out!

Police arrest copwatcher during checkpoint, Occupy Riverside responds

http://la.indymedia.org/news/2012/05/253374.php


Friday, May 18, 2012 

RIVERSIDE (California) - Police arrested a woman for observing a checkpoint Friday evening. The community responded in protest, occupying the area in front of Robert Presley Detention Center overnight, marching, and demanding the release of our comrade. The woman was released to the hospital at approximately eight o'clock Saturday morning, despite having suffered an epileptic seizure some nine hours earlier.
Police arrest copwat...
Friday turned out to be a long day for many occupiers and their allies. Some had attended the Labor Studies Conference at UCR, and quite a number were also at the Bank of America protest in the afternoon. Even those who weren't were at the earlier events had planned on attending a nuclear power-themed general assembly and a strategies session. But plans changed when activists spotted the downtown police roadblock on northbound Market Avenue.

Immediately, people showed up with signs to warn approaching drivers and cameras to document any abuses or police incidents. The operation's commander was notified that observation and documentation was going to be taking place at a distance.

Monitors stood on the sidewalk in between the street where the checkpoint was taking place in and the parking lot that served as both staging area and secondary inspection area.

Northbound motorists in both lanes were stopped and demanded their driver's licenses. Some were asked if they had had anything to drink. Many were directed into the parking lot, where many families were removed from vehicles and numerous vehicles were towed.

At about 7:30, an officer approached the group of about six copwatchers, one of whom was filming, and ordered them to leave. The man who was filming asked if he was breaking a law, and if so, which one. The officer responded that it was a matter of officer safety and that he couldn't conduct the checkpoint and "keep an eye on" the activists at the same time. When the man repeated the question, the officer said that he wasn't gonig to answer any more questions, and that if the group did not remove itself in five seconds, they would be arrested. He called for backup and started moving in on the man, who backed up quickly, and the group began to leave. One of the group, a 22-year old woman and a student at Riverside Community College, was arrested.

The activists were unnerved and at that point the observation action turned into a protest of the arrest. Over the next two hours, numerous supporters arrived to the location to join the protest. A meeting was called and a decision made to wait outside the jail and protest the arrest. When it became clear that she would not be out until the morning, we retrieved our pillows and blankets and set up camp for the night.

The area was scrawled with chalked messages of and solidarity and others that read "ftp." Signs were placed in the trees and on walls surrounding the detention center. The Occupy Riverside banner was placed on the steps of the detention center, and when deputies ordered its removal, an even larger one was tied it between two trees in front of the sheriff's door. This, too, was ordered down, under allegations that it was a safety hazard because "someone might not see" the 20-foot banner. Unfazed, the occupiers tied the banner between the poles holding the city streetlights.

As people exited the jail, they were surprised to see the number of people but were encouraged that we were out there. They were not surprised to learn of the injustice committed by the police, and several shared stories of abuse by police and sheriffs in the detention center. Many also joined us, opting to show their solidarity for our sister and with our efforts against the system.

To pass the time, we chanted, sang, and read together. We took time to get to know the new people who had joined us. We made signs and banners. We ate and drank coffee and smoked cigarettes.

At about seven in the morning, we saw an ambulance pull into the back of the jail. Concerned for the safety of our friend and aware of her medical condition, we rushed inside, only to learn that the desk clerk had no information. Two hours later, an official came out and informed us that the accused had been transferred to the county hospital in Moreno Valley. We rushed over there and were eventually able to visit her.

She was discharged at about noon.

Once we were able to speak to hear, we learned what had happened. Authorities had attempted to pump her for information, but were thwarted when she asserted her right to not speak. They made snide comments about Occupy and the protest. They needlessly seized her footwear. They ignored her cries for help when she tried to alert them to her feeling the seizure coming on, mocking her instead. Hours later, once she woke, they did not acknowledge the episode, just asked if she was cold but did not provide any blanket after an affirmative response. It was only after the second seizure, at about six in the morning, that medical attention was provided and she was transported, still in chains, to the hospital.

The general assembly that night was particularly well-attended, with the many new and relapsed occupiers in attendance joined by released detainees, visitors from Sacramento and San Diego occupys, and passersby.

Right after GA a militant march took place that immediately took the streets, blocking traffic and parading discontent throughout the downtown area. As it descended on the jail, three police squad cars arrived but were confronted by the angry group that asserted its right to protest. The march stopped by the police station before joining in a group hug in the middle of the street, and then spreading the word to the elderly crowd then exiting the Fox Theater.

As we returned to People's Plaza, we passed police chief Sergio Diaz, dressed in civilian clothes and chomping a cigar, who glared angrily as we passed by chanting "No justice, no peace! No racist police!"

Ever since May first, Occupy Riverside has been in an existential crisis, wondering which way it would go in the future. But this incident reminded us that what we will do, we have done already: Form community that supports each other, feed the hungry, stand with homeowners against the banks, defend education and educate one another, take back public space and use it for democracy, and provide an alternative political body as a refuge from the 1%-dominated spheres.




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Riverside Celebrates May Day, Police Violence Mars Protest

http://la.indymedia.org/news/2012/05/252926.php


Tuesday, May 1, 2012
RIVERSIDE (CA) - Several hundred people participated in a series of actions marking International Worker's Day in Southern California's Inland Empire. The day featured an Occupy bank protest, an immigrant rights march and rally, and a food and clothing giveaway hosted by an autonomous grouping. The day of community empowerment was temporarily disrupted, however, when police violently targeted students and arrested them.
Riverside Celebrates...
Preparations for May Day began months ago, when, shortly after Occupy Los Angeles called for a general strike, Occupy Riverside endorsed the call and began reaching out to community groups and participating with other Southern California occupy movements in the planning of build-up actions.

Occupy Riverside planned and hosted the #F29 day of non-violent direct action to shut down the corporations comprising the American Legislative Exchange Council, focusing on distribution centers used by Walmart, as a build-up action for May 1.

Outreach was also done to labor unions, organizing efforts, community groups, and immigrant rights groups. Hundreds of doors were knocked on in the Riverside area, primarily in the downtown and Eastside areas.

Other, less-traditional methods were also used, although it is not clear by whom. Capitalizing on the vast talent pool within Occupy Riverside and the larger Inland Empire community, numerous works of art were produced, distributed, and posted throughout the region. Wheatpasted and painted messages were spotted in Riverside, Corona, Ontario, Pomona, Claremont, and Chino. No particular group has claimed credit.

Another unorthodox method was used on Monday, April 30th. Students at John North High, Arlington High, And Ramona High Schools in Riverside were distributed letters claiming to be from the district superintendent announcing the cancellation of classes. In response, the district made over 100,000 automated phone calls to district households to disavow the letter and demand that students attend school, where standardized testing was scheduled to occur at many campuses. According to reports in the corporate media, the schools are "working on an investigation with Riverside police."1

Occupy Riverside also took the initiative to schedule a week of consciousness-raising events prior to May 1. The "Five days of May" spring training began on April 26, with an education fair held in People's Plaza, the site of the former Occupy Riverside camp. Workshop topics included the history of May Day, 9/11 and its political aftermath, a primer on immigration and immigrant rights, and a discussion on problems in the public education system and the need for unity between students, faculty, and staff to bring about change.

The following day featured a payday protest of Wells Fargo, calling particular attention to the bank's financing of private prison corporations and the impact the industry has on the migrant population. That action featured a march, streetcorner rally, the setting up of a tent, and a "tour" of the bank, in which OR militants entered and chanted "Invest in communities, not in jails!" before being asked to leave. Police responded as soon as the tent was set up in front of the bank (they did not seem to mind a bit while it was on the street corner) and forced its removal. Otherwise, the protest went off without incident.

On Saturday a march was scheduled to promote the Occupy Riverside-initiated May 1 gas boycott in protest of high gas prices and all the other injustices rooted in the petroleum industry, from ecological disasters like the BP oil spill to their influence over US foreign policy and the wars it creates.

Plans changed, however, when Occupy activists learned of an anti-violence rally planned by the Riverside Area Peace and Justice Alliance, and most went to join them. Some, however, spread the word about the gas and driving boycott. Occupy Riverside has found that targetting petroleum companies has been effective means of tapping into popular anger toward high gas prices.

All were small actions in comparison with Tuesday. May Day began with a noon protest of Wells Fargo, which had extra security since early in the morning. About 40 picketers shouted anti-bank slogans, and mic-checked the reasons they were opposed to the banks practices, naming the foreclosure crisis and the financing of for-profit detention centers as our primary grievances.





The ATMs were declared "out of order" and the bank was declared "shut down" for the day. We then entered the building lobby, which caused the security to enter the bank and lock the doors.



Customers were still allowed to enter, but only one at a time, and were locked in once they entered.



Occupy Riverside posted notices of closure on the banks doors and then ceremoniously exited, chanting "No private prisons!"



We then marched a block south to Riverside City Hall, where we joined the pre-march rally hosted by the Justice for Immigrants Coalition of Inland Southern California, a broad-based coalition of faith-based, labor, student, and community groups and activists. Speakers included people from the Inland Valley Friends, Riverside's homeless community, Occupy Hemet, as well as workers from the Pomona College dining hall and Martin Berrospe, a Rancho Cucamonga day laborer recently racially profiled and detained during ICE's "Operation Cross-Check," which purported to target "criminal aliens" for deportation in the largest ICE operation in US history. Berrospe, however, has no record and was stopped without any reasonable suspicion that he was undocumented. He was detained for 36 days but refused to waive his rights and was freed after a community campaign to raise his bond. He will be facing deportation proceedings this summer, but was on hand to express his gratitude and words of encouragement.



After a few speeches to energize the crowd, the hundred-plus marched through People's Plaza and down University, taking both the sidewalk and the street.





Members of the Inland Empire Immigrant Youth Coalition led chants of "Undocumented and unafraid!" and many other pro-migrant slogans.

At Park Street, we turned to pass the historic Our Lady of Guadalupe Shrine, an important site for Eastside Riversiders. Faithful there distributed water to the thirsty marchers and joined the parade.

Upon arriving at the corner of 14th and Park, marchers occupied the intersection, blocking traffic for several minutes while waiting for the contingent of students from Riverside Community College to join us.



After some delay, march organizers continued the march to Bordwell Park, sensing the impatience of the crowd and certain of the safe arrival of their RCC comrades. Shortly after leaving the intersection, police began to follow the march.

Upon arriving at Bordwell Park, picnic tables full of free groceries awaited us, as did piles of clothes, furniture, and household items gathered by volunteers from Riverside's Really Really Free Market. The Occupy Riverside and Occupy UCR library was revived and many boxes of books, most of them political in nature, were distributed.

Sound systems were set up, and protesters began to settle in for the rally when screams came from the street. The crowd rushed to the intersection of Martin Luther King and Kansas to observe the police brutality occurring there. The RCC contingent had finally caught up with the main march but was attacked just prior to its arrival at the park. It is unclear why.

Witnesses reported that while some students marched on the sidewalk, those arriving on bicycle were legally riding on the street. March security guided them, but was clipped by two vehicles. In plain view of the "escorting" officer, these two vehicles came dangerously close to the march security, endangering their safety. The police did nothing to intervene in the situation.

Subsequently, according to witnesses, an officer in a vehicle ordered one of the cyclists onto the sidewalk. When the cyclist, an RCC student, questioned the order due to its illegality, the car cut off the path of the cyclist and the officer attempted to pull the student from his bicycle. The officer then kicked him and hit him with his baton.

It was at this point that the cry for witnesses and cameras went up and people rushed to the corner. Within seconds, numerous police vehicles, both marked an unmarked, were on the scene. The officers scuffled with protesters, bringing out riot weapons such as rubber bullet guns and police dogs. They arrested the initial cyclist and then another young man, a UCR student, slamming him violently to the ground. According to reports in the Spanish-language media, he was also beaten while handcuffed on the ground.2



After the second arrest, the crowd returned calmly and peacefully to the park depite the growing number of armed and armored officers in the street. Once the officials realized that we were not going to allow ourselves to be provoked into using any kind of violence against them, they withdrew their forces, leaving only a few cars around the perimeter of the park within sight of the convergence.

Since the crowd's nerves remained on edge, Julio Marroquin, a community activist and the founder of the Inland Empire Latino Forum within Occupy Riverside, led an ecumenical prayer denouncing the police violence and urging peace. Once we were a bit calmer, we began hearing speakers on a number of topics. Luz Gallegos of TODEC informed us about the struggle in Southern Riverside County, and Jose Calderon, professor emeritus at Pitzer College gave a brief historical retrospective in honor of Lucy Gonzales Parsons and her partner Albert, who was assassinated by the state in the wake of the 1886 Haymarket Affair in Chicago.

Over 200 meals were served courtesy of the People's Kitchen and community members, and meals included vegan options. A group of DREAMers joined a pickup soccer game with some Riverside occupiers, and musicians formed a circle and found expression. Others held discussion groups to digest the police repression, and much information was shared at the welcome table.

A critical mass bike ride, originally scheduled for seven p.m. at the end of the convergence, was reorganized. Rather than waiting, the cyclists decided to ride to the Robert Presley Detention Center to support the arrestees and to gather information.

While several activists and community members were quite upset about the violence and the state's attempts to shatter the unity we had created between multiple factions as well as the neighboring community, others sought to emphasize the triumphs of the movement that were embodied in the day and its events.

Activists vowed to pursue all avenues towards justice for those who were wrongly detained, as well as to continue organizing throughout the year to build community and power for oppressed people.

1. Straehley, Dana. "RIVERSIDE: Schools asks police to investigate fake May Day letter." Press-Enterprise, May 2, 2012. http://www.pe.com/local-news/riverside-county/riverside/riverside-headlines-index/20120502-riverside-schools-asks-police-to-investigate-fake-may-day-letter.ece accessed May 3, 2012.

2. Cano, Alejandro. "RIVERSIDE: Policía interviene en manifestación," La Prensa, May 1, 2012. http://www.laprensaenlinea.com/noticias/noticias-historias/20120501-riverside-policia-interviene-en-manifestacion.ece?ssimg=557859#ssStory557860 accessed May 3, 2012.

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"Detainee" in ICE hood at Wells Fargo shutdown, May 1, 2012. Photo: Marina Wood

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Stealing homes is OUT OF ORDER! No Banking. Wells Fargo Makes Families Homeless. Photo: Marina Wood

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Julio Marroquin speaks at City Hall prior to the march. Photo: Marina Wood

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Jornaleros bringing up the rear. Photo: Marina Wood

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Photo: Marina Wood

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Photo: Marina Wood

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This was a touching moment. While marching down Park, a group of workers, likely jornaleros, heard us and stopped working to watch us pass. As they did, they raised their tools in the air and held them up the whole time we were passing. Photo: Marina Wood.

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After occupying the intersection, we took the parking lot. Photo: MIguel

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IE-IYC. Photo: Marina Wood.

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Second arrest. Photo: Miguel

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Lots of cops. Photo: Miguel

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Prayer. Photo: Marina Wood

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Luz Gallegos of TODEC. Photo: Marina Wood

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Maria Barragan of IE-IYC. Photo: Marina Wood

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Elisea of Workers for Justice. Photo: Marina Wood

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Annie of the People's Kitchen. Photo: Matthew Snyder

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Cookies. Photo: Matthew Snyder

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No hunger in Riverside? Photo: Matthew Snyder

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Music. Notice the accordion to the far right. Photo: Marina Wood

Friday, March 23, 2012

F29 photos

http://la.indymedia.org/news/2012/03/251969.php

by Rockero Saturday, Mar. 17, 2012 at 4:07 PM
rockero420@yahoo.com
Wednesday, February 29, 2012
EASTVALE, California - About 300 protesters from Occupy Riverside, Occupy LA, and elsewhere shut down approximately 10 warehouses moving products for ALEC corporations. Here are some photos.
Photos from the February 29 action at the world's largest Walmart distribution center.

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by Rockero Saturday, Mar. 17, 2012 at 4:07 PM
rockero420@yahoo.com
Band performs as cops approach

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by Rockero Saturday, Mar. 17, 2012 at 4:07 PM
rockero420@yahoo.com
Intersection of Harvest and Hamner, Schneider warehouse in background.

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Message on warehouse wall reads "This Company Supports Slavery"

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IWW blocks off entrance to harvest street, where truck entrance is.

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Cops line up at intersection of Hamner and Micro, where the Micro warehouse has been closed by protesters.

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Shields line up on opposite end of intersection of Micro and Hamner.

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Scrimmage lines

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Cops push line of protesters back.

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Cops push line of protesters back.

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Juggling

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by Rockero Saturday, Mar. 17, 2012 at 4:07 PM
rockero420@yahoo.com
Sign on fence reads "ALEC: Trojan Horse of the 1%"

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by Rockero Saturday, Mar. 17, 2012 at 4:07 PM
rockero420@yahoo.com

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Chalk art

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Chalk art

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Chalk art

F29 Walmart Warehouse Shutdown: Victory at Dawn

http://la.indymedia.org/news/2012/03/251808.php

by Rockero Friday, Mar. 02, 2012 at 5:03 PM
rockero420@yahoo.com
Wednesday, February 29, 2011
EASTVALE, California - Nearly 300 people arrived at six in the morning in this desolate inland city with the intent to shut down the world's largest distribution center for Walmart goods. Activists from Occupy Riverside, Occupy LA, other Southern California occupys, community activists, and student groups arrived at the Schneider warehouse only to find that the management had closed the facility of its own accord. Having tasted victory at dawn, the group soon set its sights much higher.
Ever since Occupy Los Angeles called for a general strike on May 1 to counteract the repression of the occupy movement, stand for principles of democracy and liberty, and inspire the working class to recognize its own power, Occupy Riverside has been organizing to make the day, now just two months off, a success.

The buildup strategy unfolds in many ways, but one important part of it is to have large actions every month. January saw the large mobilization in defense of public education at UC Riverside, and the plan to target the Inland Empire's sprawling logistics industry was hatched well before then after occupy activists decided to do something about the labor and human rights abuses rampant in the warehouses in our area.

Many Occupy Riverside activists have worked in the warehouses themselves and know firsthand the plight of the workers, who are processed by temporary agencies like products through a mill. Those who have not been there themselves have family members who work there. And even those of us whose connection to the industry is not as direct must still suffer the impacts of depressed prevailing wages, weak labor protections, and the environmental racism of contamination from the trucks and trains that deliver merchandise from the ports to our warehouses before they are shipped to the rest of the country--mostly by "independent contractor" (that is, non-union) truckers.

After shutting down the ports on December 12, it natural for us to want to do something here, at the next leg of the supply chain. We made contact with labor advocates struggling to organize the warehouse workers and learned that the most egregious abuses were occurring at facilities moving goods for the corporation that is the bane of justice-lovers worldwide: Walmart. After exploring with them how to best keep the workers safe, we proceeded to coordinate with comrades from Occupy LA and elsewhere, who endorsed the action and pledged to participate.

At an early OLA general strike committee meeting, we heard of Occupy Portland's call to shut down the corporations on February 29. "Leap into action" was the tagline for the national day of nonviolent direct action, which focused on the corporations comprising ALEC, the American Legislative Exchange Council.

(ALEC is a consortium of corporations and state legislators that drafts and passes pro-corporate, anti-worker legislation and subsequently "exchanges" it by passing the same or similar laws in other states. The anti-union law signed by Governor Walker of Wisconsin, which prompted the pre-Occupy occupation of the capitol in Madison, was an ALEC brainchild, as was the racist Arizona law SB 1070, which was dreamed up by corporations operating private prisons and detention facilities. Walmart, as the most anti-union force in the world, is a major player in ALEC.)

Workers at the Schneider warehouse were scheduled for dismissal on February 24 for simply speaking up and demanding their rights. The timing and climate was perfect, and the call to action was made.

A court later enjoined Schneider from firing the workers, but that order did nothing to change the desperate conditions of the workers or correct the undemocratic practices of Walmart and ALEC.

So after a rough night of intensive know-your-rights and non-violence training, followed by a campout (complete with camp fire) in the backyard of an Occupy Riverside comrade, the swarm of resilient occupiers arrived. We marched down Hamner, taking the street from the get-go. Our goal was to shut down the warehouse during peak trucking hours, from six until noon. The empty parking lot was a dead giveaway that the warehouse had closed for the day, but we set up a picket line regardless. Not only was there no resistance from the company, but there was none from the police, either. There was not a uniformed officer in sight.

Number of warehouses shut down: 1

Soon, however, we grew impatient. Our researchers had identified another Schneider warehouse just around the corner from the primary target, as well as another nearby Walmart distribution center. As we made moves to create a presence at these secondary targets, our scouts informed us that they were also abandoned, also shut down for the day.

Number of warehouses shut down: 3

We had enough people to secure the non-operation of the first Schneider warehouse, so another group set out southward on Hamner Avenue to blockade the entrance to an Ingraham-Micro warehouse, which moves goods for IBM, Apple, and other high-tech companies who also happen to be ALEC members, where observers spotted trucks entering and exiting and they decided to blockade the entrance there.

Number of warehouses shut down: 4

Soon after the Micro warehouse shutdown, police seemed to be responding by blocking off traffic at a great distance away--as far north as Riverside Drive, and as far South as Cantú-Galleano Road. It was difficult to tell because they were so far away. Regardless, truck traffic was no longer entering the road, effectively shutting down operations at six more warehouses.

Number of warehouses shut down: 10

It was at the Micro entrance that a small conflict arose about what to do about a trucker who wished to exit the grounds. Many people blocked his exit. He explained to them that his container was empty, that he wasn't hauling for Walmart, and that he was an independent contractor who, unlike the unionized UPS truck stuck inside, was not being paid. This persuaded several people who argued that in addition, the action was to prevent the warehouses from profiting from the exploitation of its forklift drivers and order-pullers by preventing the delivery of merchandise, not to prevent the truckers from profiting.

Those in favor of maintaining the blockade argued that the objective was to shut down commerce entirely, not just the warehouses, and that if we let one person go through, where would we draw the line? It took a while, but eventually those in favor of letting him go won out.

By then it had become clear that police were amassing at the ends of road and lining up. But they were still a ways off, so to pass the time, a local alternative rock band came out and played a set.

Before they finished, a police line approached the intersection where people were blocking the entrance to the Micro building and asked them to leave. The people held the street and held their ground. After what seemed like an eternity of facing from opposite sides of the intersection, the cops started moving forward. Slowly, maintaining its line, the crowd backed up. The sheriff's deputies barked at us to get back, and futilely ordered us walk up the sidewalk back to the protest.

It took them quite a while to push us down the long and wide street. But by about 11:30, we were already within a hundred yards of the main group at the Schneider and in danger of being surrounded at close quarters. It was then that many people began to enter the grounds of a natural foods company across the street. Earlier, medics had secured permission to use the grounds if anyone needed to be evacuated for medical purposes. But the presence of people on either side of the open gate prevented police from advancing because to do so would have left them exposed on one side.

Eventually the owners herded the occupiers out politely but the move had bought us some time. We were then pushed back to the street of our original picket line and ordered onto it so we could "continue our peaceful protest." When we refused to do so, we were ordered to disperse and began exiting up the sidewalk, which police lined on one side to keep us off the street.

But they did not line the whole street, so after the police line ended, we retook the street. This time the police used a different tactic. We continued to retreat peacefully from their line, moving slowly to ensure everyone's safety. But they became aggressive and hostile. On one side of the line, near the bushes lining the Schneider warehouse parking lot, an officer charged the man in front of him with his truncheon. The deputies on either side of the aggressor likewise rushed out just behind him, in a sort of "V" formation. Some people were thrown into the bushes and likely sustained injury, and some individuals appeared to have been a bit trampled in the melee as well. Two of them were arrested.

Two other charges were made after the same fashion: one towards the middle of the line, and another just afterward, from the side. Officers targetted individuals to jab with their batons, to strike at in the legs, and to grab by the head. At least one pig fell while running and knocked his face shield off.

These rushes caused panic and extremely unsafe conditions but protesters remained as calm as possible and regroup. They condemned the police violence and vowed to return.

As with any action, there are lessons to be learned, but for the most part, the activists expressed satisfaction with the day. Surpassing by tenfold the goal of shutting down the warehouse, successfully remaining nonviolent and working together, holding ground, and never once asking for permission to do any of it from anyone.

Occupy for Prisoners

http://la.indymedia.org/news/2012/02/251636.php

by Rockero Wednesday, Feb. 22, 2012 at 2:43 PM
rockero420@yahoo.com
Monday, February 20, 2012
RANCHO CUCAMONGA - Demonstrators from Occupy Riverside and Occupy San Bernardino Valley joined forces to express their solidarity with people detained at West Valley Detention Center, the main detention facility for the western portion of San Bernardino County.
They stood at the main entrance to the jail on Etiwanda street and carried large banners reading "Free All Class War Prisoners," and blew whistles, banged drums, tooted vuvuzelas with the intention of being heard by the people inside.

Some of their chants:

"One, two, three, four! The jails are only for the poor!"

"Banks got bailed, we got jailed!"

"Money for schools, not for jails!"

"Brick by brick, wall by wall! Free the prisoners! Free them all!"

The call for a day of prisoner solidarity came from Pelican Bay, where prisoners have engaged in hunger strikes to end the practice of confining prisoners to solitary confinement "secure housing units" for alleged violations. Other demands included an end to "debriefing," a process by which prisoners are encouraged to inform on other prisoners.

These concerns were echoed by the participants at the protest. Another concern enumerated was the privatization of prisons, which results in the enrichment of corporations and individuals, such as celebrity game show host Bob Barker, at the expense of the jailed, imprisoned, and detained. One such private detention facility opened recently in the high desert city of Adelanto, and is designed specifically to house people detained on suspected immigration violation. Protesters expressed support for longtime political prisoners such as Mumia Abu-Jamal, as well as for the thousands of people who have been unjustly brutalized, arrested, detained, charged, and tried since the beginning of the Occupy movement.

As detainees left their confinement, many were curious about the action and expressed appreciation for the show of solidarity. One young man from Barstow told about being held at the Glen Helen Rehabilitation Center and having been subsequently transferred to West Valley for no apparent reason, with the result being a substantial distance between himself and his support network at home.

Just as the protest was wrapping up, a deputy approached and asked what the protest was about. "We're here because this jail is filled with poor people, while the elites commit much more egregious crimes and yet are walking around free." "I can't argue with that," said the deputy, as he drove off.

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Freed detainees join the protest.

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Free All Class War Prisoners!