SAN BERNARDINO - Large crowds of people from throughout the Inland Empire gathered in San Bernardino to march for the human rights of immigrants and to denounce the racist Arizona law SB 1070. La Plaza Park on San Bernardino's east side was the point of convergence, and music and announcements welcomed the arrivees until about 11, when the ranks began making their way down the sidewalk and across the 215 bridge toward city hall, where a rally was held with music and speeches. Peaceful resistance was the spirit of the day, and careful attention to hydration and mutual respect among attendees was the hallmark of the day's beauty.
My morning carpool received an unexpected phone call from Dolores Huerta, then en route to Tucson, who wished us a good march. An activist riding alongside her explained that he wouldn't be in San Bernardino due to his participation in Arizona mobilizations. He urged the Inland Empire to keep Arizona in mind and to intensify the struggle through civil disobedience and strategic fasting, if possible. Even though I don't agree with all of her politics, it was an inspiring way to start what a comrade and I later joked is the "high holy day" for activists.
Arizona was close to everyone's heart throughout the day, and although not really reflected in the chants, the concern was expressed in many of the signs and speeches. As the carpools arrived, they were welcomed by the people from the neighborhood, some of whom, upon learning of the cause, expressed outrage and compassion for the people of Arizona. A large contingent from SEIU made itself visible by wearing purple shirts, and the Warehouse Workers did the same with their blue, and LiUNA with orange. The day laborers and their organizations had a strong presence, as did the faith communities and the students. I think I saw students from every local university and community college. But there were are also a lot of young families with children. There were also numerous candidates.
The program began with a ceremonia by Danza Azteca de Aztlán, which was followed by prayers from different denominations. Then the security guidelines were set and we were energized by jumping to the chant "Él que no brinca es migra."
Then we unrolled our banners and started down the sidewalk. Trained, orange-vested volunteers walked beside us at intervals of about 25 feet. The chants were the normal "Sí se puede," "El pueblo unido," and "¿Qué queremos?" As we ascended the bridge over the 215 freeway, the mountains came into view, providing a majestic backdrop. About then someone pointed out that the police were photographing us from within their cars. Someone asked if they were taking pictures, and rather than answering, the officer just waved, even after the question was repeated--a gesture amounting to little more than a taunt.
As we passed St. Bernardine's, the elderly people came out onto their balconies to watch us pass by. When we turned on D, I finally saw some opposition. (There had been rumors about some Minutemen hanging in the area but I had not actually seen any). An angry man drove by making a rude gesture at all of us, even though there were children present. But the Minutemen have shown repeatedly with their behavior and their ignorant and vicious letters to the editor, that they and other haters have nothing to offer society. In the end, it will be us, the workers, the people of conscience, students, and families that take responsibility for creating the word we want and need, and we won't have to depend on the upper class who exploit us for our own survival. But I'm getting ahead of myself.
As marchers filed into the Civic Center, Son Real delighted us with their renditions of classics such as "The Picket Sign." The danzantes performed again, preceded by an opening prayer, and then speakers from immigrant rights, labor, and student organizations gave their talks. Next the politicians were allowed to talk, Joe Baca in particular seizing the moment for political purposes. Baca has cultivated the image of a defender of the migrant, but his recent pro-immigrant projects, including the PROUD Act to grant citizenship to high school graduates and his co-sponsorship of the Gutierrez bill, have gone nowhere.
At it's largest point, the rally probably attracted more than a thousand people, all very concerned about Arizona and moved to act by the need for an just immigration reform. As we left, we heard reports of Luis Gutierrez getting arrested in an act of civil disobedience at the White House. If a member of the US congress, a club that tends to attract the most politically tepid, risk-fearing, power-hungry, type of egomaniac, can get arrested for civil disobedience over this fascist law, then what can you or I do?
Just before publishing this article I got word that Arizona is planning big activities for May 29, so we may just get our chance to find out. Until then, we should keep up the boycott and most importantly, the resistance in our own communities.
TEMECULA - Approximately 130 members of the Temecula community marched and rallied for immigrant rights and against the recently-approved Arizona law SB 1070.
The rally began at Sam Hicks Memorial Park and marched through downtown Temecula to the the bewildered looks of the gringo community. The marchers arrived at the Temecula Duck Pond, where chants and cheers were uplifted.
The mood was festive, despite a latent anger about the bill legalizing discrimination in our neighboring state and the constant harassment of immigrants by local police. The security team, though inexperienced, were very professional.
Although most of the protesters were themselves immigrants, they did count on the solidarity of some concerned native-born folks, including a local high school teacher.
Only one counterprotester attempted to disrupt the action, demanding to know if the protesters had read the text of SB 1070. "Sir, as a activist, I assure you that I read every controversial law!" a young man reassured him. "Well let's sit down and read it," said the man. Once the activists realized his ploy, they, in the words of one witness, "enthusiastically ignored" him and frustrated his attempt to disrupt the manifestation.
For many of the march participants, it was the first time participating in a protest. A sense of empowerment was felt as they realized that they do not have to tolerate the abuses they suffer daily, and that there is a means to fight back. http://la.indymedia.org/news/2010/05/237977.php
TEMECULA, California - Unos 130 miembros de la comunidad de Temecula marcharon y manifestaron por los derechos de lxs inmigrantes y en contra de ley SB1070 de Arizona de aprobación reciente.
Algunxs de la comunidad "gringa" de este poblado rural y conservador del interior del sur de California miraron la marcha con curiosidad al verla pasar por el centro de la ciudad. Habiendo partido del Parque Memorial Sam Hicks, lxs marchantes llegaron al Estanque de Patos Temecula, donde levantaron consignas y porras como "¿Por qué marchamos? ¡Por nuestras familias!"
A pesar de un coraje latente hacia la ley que legaliza descriminación en el estado vecino y hostigamiento constante de migrantes por autoridades locales, la atmósfera del evento estuvo alegre. El equipo de seguridad, aunque no tuvieron nada de experiencia, desempeñaron su tarea como profesionales.
La mayoría de los manifestantes fueron familias inmigrantes, pero contaron con la solidaridad de ciudadanxs originarios del país, entre ellos una maestra de una preparatoria local.
Un solo contramanifestante intentó perturbar la manifestación, pidiendo saber si lxs manifestantes habían leído el texto de la ley. Un joven le aseguró, "Señor, como activista, ¡yo siempre leo todas las leyes controversiales!" "Bueno," le contestó el señor, "sentémonos a leerla pues." Cuando se dieron cuenta de la estrategia del hombre, los activistas "nos entusiasmamos a ignorarlos," según un testigo.
Para muchos de los partícipes, hoy fue la primera vez que protestaron. Sintieron que fueron capaz de luchar contra las injusticias que viven a diario, y que no las hay que tolerar.
Tuesday, March 9, 2010 CLAREMONT, California - Southern California got a taste of Greek-style anarchism and insurrection in a series of talks given by Peter Gelderloos, author of How Nonviolence Protects the State, and Greek comrades from the Void Network Tasos Sagris and Sissy Doutsiou. With Audio.
While centering on the recent uprisings around issues of police brutality in Greece, the talk was structured more as a dialogue or a question-and-answer session than a traditional lecture.
Peter began. "We're gonna be talking about the social insurrection in Greece, which really came to world attention after the killing on December 6, 2008 of a fifteen-year-old in Exarchia, which is sort of the counterculture and really rebellious neighborhood in Athens, in the center of Athens, that's very much associated with the anarchists. And after that there were three weeks of major rioting. After that it disappeared largely from world attention, but these social struggles are still continuing, and a lot more stronger than before December, so in a lot of ways they've won, and what we want to do is talk about where that came from, why it was possible, and then what's been happening with that, what directions it went."
He cautioned against romanticizing revolutionary images, such as the ones being projected on a wall beside the speakers, and made reference to other struggles in the UK and Barcelona, each of which occurs in a distinct cultural and political milieu.
"In this way, we don't wanna just give information bout what's going on in Greece, because that's very interesting, but ultimately, it's useless. We want to really encourage critical thinking about insurrections which will hopefully be useful to you all here for spreading rebellions here."
He then asked people to shout out questions, the first of which was a request for some historical context to the rebellion vis-à-vis its relation to the rise of anarchism and the struggle against fascism.
Tasos began his answer with an overview of the Greek movement. "There is not existing such a thing like a 'movement' in Greece because all the groups and the affinity groups and the small collectives, they are taking care of the movement, and they are the ones that are producing the analysis and the ideas and the initiatives of the movement."
He then went briefly into the two periods of the Greek anarchist movement, explaining that in both 1936 and 1967, dictatorships were imposed on Greece to contain revolutionary movements. "So, when happened the big uprising in the Polytechnic University in 1974, that was one of the main reasons that the dictatorship fall down, there participated 50, maybe 50, 60 anarchists, that they had very much influence to the general assemblies, that most of the general assemblies, they people that participated in this struggle, we have to recognize that there was leftists, autonomous leftists, libertarian Marxists, people that they had mainly Marxist, and Maoist, and Leninist influences. But the spirit of empowerment that the anarchists they gave to the struggle that took place for three, four days for the fall of the dictatorship, there was like 10,000, 15,000 people that they gathered there and that participate in these riots, it was very influential, and there it was the first time that appeared these big banners that were saying 'Down with Authority,' 'General Social Insurrection,' that was the first time that appeared the anarchist slogans and anarchist banners, inside these riots.
"Another strategy they had, it was that they appeared after '74, there appeared anarchist and autonomous groups inside the universities. These groups, they were small in the beginning, and they had little influence, but through the strong efforts, and also through the commitment and also the creativity and also the spreading of ideas, and the big publications, many free publications, that they were distributing inside the university, and also through the empowerment to the general student movement, to the students. Like the feeling that we can fight and we can win!"
This movement occupied all the universities for three months, a feat repeated in 1979, 1980, and 1985. In 1990, a large movement occupied the universities to halt their privatization, and was supported by a movement of high school students, who occupied their schools in solidarity.
"Black flags in front of the universities and of the high schools, all the universities and the high schools of the country closed for three months."
The movement not only halted the EU-imposed move toward private ownership of education, but also succeeded in establishing in the popular consciousness the idea that "the University will forever be for free, the food in the university will be for free, and the University restaurants will give food to all the poor people and all the poor immigrants and whoever is in great need that needs to have some food that day, the university restaurant has the obligation also to give free food."
The food reform was part of an effort to teach to both the political and the academic powers the "social obligation of the University." The movement itself was part of a general assault on conservatism, and had a lasting effect in that regard.
A question was asked about how communities organized themselves, and the Greek guests explained the functioning of social centers, which, among other projects, offer many free classes. Peter explained that the anarchists tend to organize in small, decentralized affinity groups. These groups have their own analyses, work on their own projects, and create their own propaganda, he explained, and share that analysis in general assemblies.
A student asked about interactions between different groups and movements. Sissy explained, "In Greece there is no monothematic campaigns. There is no separate agendas. There is no separate groups, for example, only for the immigrants, even if the immigrants by themselves have their own groups. There are many groups that each group has its own aspect and its own analysis and its own solution to the problem. All of these groups, they take care of ecology, about the student movement, about the economy, about everything."
Tasos elaborated by giving an example. "Appeared, for example, one movement influenced by the antifa groups of Germany, they called themselves also "antifa," antifascist. They have some small influence and they work very good fighting the nazis on the streets. But when they started to mobilize for demonstration, then all the anarchists made the big assembly, for a long time. 'What do we believe about the movement of antifa?' That period, the conclusion that the insurrectionary Greeks, they made, was that 'We are not antifascist. We are anarchists, and because we are anarchists, we fight against fascism. But we don't identify ourselves as separate identity of 'antifa.' Or of 'antisexist.' Or 'anti-state.' All these are parts of the anarchist struggle."
When a movement is forming, outreach is done to the entire society, not just to the affected communities. The Greeks depend less on the internet than on paper and personal outreach. This gives the movement a body, which comes back, "first through the counterinformation, then through the demonstration, and then through the riot. All of them are body. If you miss some of these parts, then you miss all. If you have just counterinformation and you don't have demonstration, then you don't exist in the public space. If you have just demonstration and you don't have riots, then you don't have political power. Nobody believes you. It's the insurrectionary body."
Part of the reason for doing so much outreach is to "spread our vision to our unknown friends, and these unknown friends are all the other people. And the unknown friends are the ones that are all the other people that they are secretly waiting for our open invitation to them, because all our events shall be open to the public," explained Sissy.
She went on to provide some more observations about the student movement, when Peter interjected, pointing to the student struggle in Barcelona. "In the years prior to this, most anarchists had the attitude that, 'The student struggle is reformist, we're not really gonna participate.' And they didn't really give it much attention. Which is an interesting perspective to think that any struggle in and of itself is reformist. I think that really shows a lack of imagination. Goals and methods can be reformist, but to pass up not only an entire struggle, but an entire section of the population, as reformist, didn't work out too well for them."
Anarchist presence within Europe's student movements was not a given, then, and neither is any particular culture more hospitable to militancy than any other, he explained, citing the ejection of anarchist defenders of a Barcelona University occupation from a demonstration led by reformist parties early in the movement.
"A lot of people in the US might be inclined to think, 'Oh, that's very easy what they do in Greece because they have a culture there of antiauthoritarianism, they have a culture of supporting violence against the police.' Spain, and Barcelona in particular, also had political cultures of fighting back. But then, within the student scene, for several years, the anarchists--they didn't pay attention to that culture, they didn't work to renew these traditions, and all that time, the political parties, the reformist political parties, were promoting reformist values, as were school administrations, and the government itself, and the economic restructuring, and all of that. So you see a very distinct cultural change here in just a decade or less of a population that is militant and that fights back, to a population that is pacifist. And the same thing could be said in the US, that generally we have a political culture of pacifism here, and who knows? In a decade, that could be gone."
The willingness of the student anarchists to enact their politics despite the lack of popularity thereof has actually won them more allies. "By showing that they are completely different from all of the politicians among the student body, are actually gaining more and more influence. Because, in the day-to-day, the politicians and people pursuing reformist tactics are gonna have all of these advantages because the system's stacked against us, but every person who actually feels this unfairness and how wrong it is to privatize the University, every person who feels this as a form of authoritarianism, and as a form of exploitation, at least on some level will identify with the people who don't act like politicians, or the people who fight back, with the people who do whatever it takes to win their freedom."
A question was posed regarding the influence of pacifism in Greece. "We don't have pacifism in Greece!" proclaimed Tasos.
The Greek perspective on violence is different. Sissy explained, "Violence is when the banks robs our everyday life through student loans, through any kind of loans. We should have this clear in our mind, what is violence or not. Violence comes from the state, and not from the people that are fighting against the injustice."
There is also an understanding that the question of violence is not one of morality, but of strategy. "We don't do it because we believe in violence. When is the moment to show the highest power? The movement knows, not the moral code. It's moralism. We are not a religion."
Another questioner asked about anarchist perspectives on movements to defend public goods that essentially fall under the auspices of the state, such as education and protections for workers, particularly in light of the corporate media's characterization of the Greek credit default as the result of a generous social safety net.
"The governors, they stole the money, you know?" responded Tasos. "And also they stole our lives. We fight to take back our lives. And also, it's a lie to believe that the public services or the free public health makes the economy worse, because what is the economy? How do we count? What we count is how much happy we are. And we are not happy at all. We are angry, you know. Even though we have free public health and free public education. Imagine how much it is, the American society?! Really, really! I mean, inside. Even if they don't understand or if they don;t believe that they need free public health for everybody. They cannot understand the concept, you know? But, we hope that slowly, slowly, they will understand. We will enforce free public health for everybody. We will enforce free public education for everybody. Nobody can prove to the society the because we have free health, the economy's no good." He continued: "What is the economy? They count their own money. We don't care about the numbers we don't care about the crisis. We are not in crisis. Anyways, Greece is in social crisis the last 30 years. Now they say it about the Euro. We don't care! We don't read the economical newspapers, you know? We don't want to understand the way that they think, in a way. We understand the way they think, but we have our own mentality. You understand? We built our own way of looking the social life."
He concluded, "the anarchists, they want much more bigger crisis than the crisis that capitalism produce right now. But this will be a crisis full of consciousness, and full of social benefit, like full of the love of social life. That the people will care each other. This will be very beneficial for all society, and this is our vision. How the anarchist movement gonna benefit the society? The society will not feel us as terrorists, or as enemies, or as problematic people, because we are not these things. We are the people that are gonna shield the society with all our possible powers. This is the vision for the economical crisis."
Martes, el 9 de marzo, 2010 CLAREMONT, California - Para proporcionar un gusto de anarquismo e insurreccionismo al estilo griego, Peter Gelderloos, autor de Cómo la no-violencia protege el estado, acompañado de dos compañrxs griegxs del Void Network, Tasos Sagris y Sissy Doutsiou, dio una serie de pláticas. Read this article in English: Democracy and Insurrection in Greece and the World
Enfocándose en los motines recientes propulsados por la brutalidad policiaca, la plática fue estructurada más como un diálogo, o una sesión de preguntas y respuestas que una conferencia tradicional.
Empezó Peter. "Vamos a estar hablando de la insurrección social en Grecia, la cual que se destacó ante el mundo después del asesinato del día 6 de diciembre, 2008 de un joven de 15 años en Exarchia, que es un barrio revoltoso del centro de Atenas con asociaciones contraculturales y anarquistas. Y después pasaron tres semanas de levantamientos intensos. Después, desapareció de vista del mundo, pero estas luchas sociales siguen en marcha, y con mucha más fuerza que antes de diciembre, así es que de muchas maneras, han ganado, y lo que queremos precisar es de dónde eso vino, por qué se hizo posible, y luego, qué ha estado ocurriendo con eso, para dónde se fue."
Advirtió que no hay que romantizar imágenes revolucionarios, como las que se proyeccionaban contra una pared cercana durante la plática, e hizo referencia a luchas semejantes en el Reino Unido y Barcelona, cada una de las cuales toma lugar dentro de un medio político y cultural distinto.
"De este modo, no queremos darles información acerca de lo que pasa en Grecia, porque por lo interesante que sea, al final, es inútil. Lo que queremos es alentar el pensamiento crítico sobre la insurrección, lo cual que esperamos que les sea útil a todxs ustedes para difundir rebeliones aquí."
Luego pidió que hicieramos preguntas, y la primera fue una petición para mayor información sobre el contexto histórico de la rebelión en cuanto a su relación al auge del anarquismo y la lucha contra el fascismo.
Empezó Tasos con una reseña del movimiento griego, explicando que tanto en 1936 como en 1967, se impusieron dictaduras sobre Grecia para contrarrestar movidas revolucionarias. "Entonces, cuando ocurrió el gran levantamiento en la Universidad Politécnica en 1974, ese fue uno de los factores principales en la caída de la dictadura. Participaron unos 50, 60 anarquistas en las asambleas generales, pero tuvieron una fuerte influencia sobre ellas. Tenemos que reconocer que fueron izquierdistas, izquierdistas autónomxs, marxistas libertarixs, personas que influídas por el marxismo, maoísmo, y el leninismo. Pero el espíritu de poder que los anarquistas contribuyeron a la lucha que duró por los tres o cuatro días de la caída de la dictadura, había unos 10 000 ó 15 000 personas que se aglomeraron para participar en estos motines. Tuvo mucha influencia, y fue allí que aparecieron por primera vez estas grandes manta que decían 'Abajo la Autoridad,' 'Insurrección Social General,' esa fue la primera vez que aparecieron los lemas anarquistas y mantas anarquistas, en estos motines.
"Otra estrategia que tenían fue que después del '74, aparecieron grupos autónomos y anarquistas dentro de las universidades. Al principio, estos grupos fueron pequeños y tuvieron poca influencia, pero a través de fuertes esfuerzos, y también por el compromiso y la creatividad y la difusión de ideas y de grandes publicaciones gratuitas que se repartían en la universidad, y por el empoderamiento al movimiento estudiantil general, y a lxs estudiantes. El sentir que ¡podemos luchar, y podemos ganar!"
Este movimiento ocupó todas las universidades por tres meses, un logro que fue repetido en 1979, 1980, y 1985. En 1990, un movimiento grande ocupó las universidades para detener su privatización, y fue apoyado por un movimiento de estudiantes de preparatorias, quienes ocuparon sus escuelas en solidaridad.
"Banderas negras en frente de las universidades y de las preparatorias, todas las universidades y las preparatorias cerradas por tres meses."
El movimiento no sólamente detuvo la privatización, que fue impuesta por la Unión Europea, sino también logró fijar en la conciencia popular la idea que "la Universidad será siempre gratis, la comida en la Universidad será siempre gratis, y los restaurantes universitarios darán comida gratuita a todxs lxs pobres y todxs lxs inmigrantes pobres, y a quien sea que tenga gran necesidad y que necesite tener alimento ese día, el restaurante universitario tiene la obligación de regalar comida gratuita."
La reforma alimenticia formó parte de un esfuerzo para enseñar a los poderes académicos y políticos los que son "la obligacion social de la Universidad." Es más, el movimiento en sí fue un componente de un asalto general contra el conservatismo, y tuvo un efecto duradero en ese aspecto.
Alguien preguntó de qué manera las comunidades se organizan, y lxs invitadxs griegxs detallaron el funcionamiento de los centros sociales, que, entre otros proyectos, ofrecen muchos cursos gratuitos. Peter explicó que lxs anarquistas suelen organizarse en pequeños grupos de afinidad descentralizados. Estos grupos tienen sus propios análisis, trabajan en sus propios proyectos, y producen su propia propaganda, explicó, y comparten ese análisis en las asambleas populares.
Un estudiante preguntó sobre interacciones entre distintos grupos y movimientos. Explicó Sissy que "En Grecia no existen campañas monotemáticas. No hay agendas separadas. No hay grupos separados, por ejemplo, únicamente por inmigrantes, aunque lxs inmigrantes mismxs tengan sus propios grupos. Hay muchos grupos y cada uno tiene su propio enfoque y su propio análisis y su propia resolución al problema. Todos estos grupos se encargan de temas ecologistas, del movimiento estudiantil, de la economía, de todo."
Tasos elaboró al dar un ejemplo. "Por ejemplo, surgió un movimiento influído por los grupos antifascistas alemanes que se autodenominó 'antifa.' Tienen alguna influencia moderada y trabajan muy bien batallando contra los nazis en las calles. Pero cuando empezaron a mobilizar para manifestaciones, todxs lxs anarquistas hicieron una gran asamblea, y por mucho tiempo. '¿Qué opinamos del movimiento antifascista?' En ese entonces, la conclusión a la que llegaron lxs griegxs insurreccionistas, fue que 'No somos antifascistas. Somos anarquistas, y ya que somos anarquistas, luchamos contra el fascismo. Pero no nos identificamos con la identidad distinta de 'antifa.' O 'anti-estado.' Éstas son todas partes de la lucha anarquista.'"
Cuando se inicia un movimiento, se realizan esfuerzos para alcanzar a la sociedad entra, no sólamente las comunidades afectadas. Lxs griegxs dependen menos sobre el internet que sobre el papel y el alcance personal. Ésto le da cuerpo al movimiento, lo cual que recurre, "primero por la contrainformación, luego por la demostración, y luego por el motín. Todos son partes del cuerpo. Si hace falta una de esas partes, falta todo. Si hay sólo contrainformación y no hay demostración, entonces no existes en el espacio público. Si hay sólo demostración y no hay motín, entonces no hay poder político. Nadie te cree. Es el cuerpo insurreccionista."
Parte del motor de tanto alcance es "la difusión de nuestra visión a nuestrxs amigxs desconocidxs, y estxs amigxs desconocidxs son las demás personas. Y lxs amigxs desconocidxs son todas las personas que están esperando secretamente nuestra invitación, porque todos nuestros eventos serán siempre abiertos al público," esplicó Sissy.
Continuó con algunas observaciones del movimiento estudiantil cuando interpuso Peter, señalando la lucha estudiantil en Barcelona. "En los años precediendo esto, la mayoría de lxs anarquistas tenían la actitud que 'la lucha estudiantil es reformista, no vamos a participar.' Y no le pusieron mucha atención. ¡Qué interesante, pensar que una lucha en sí es reformista! Pienso que demuestra una carencia de imaginación. Objetivos y métodos pueden ser reformistas, pero ignorar una lucha entera, un sector entero de la población por 'reformista' no les salió muy bien."
La presencia anarquista dentro de las movidas estudiantiles europeas, entonces, no fue dado, ni tampoco hay mayor aceptación de militancia en virtud de factores culturales. Contó la historia de la expulsión de manifestantes anarquistas de una manifestación en defensa de una ocupación universitaria en Barcelona por sus dirigentes, reformistas partidistas.
"Puede que muchas personas en los EEUU tengan una tendencia para pensar que 'Ah, es muy fácil hacer lo que se hace en Grecia porque allí tienen una cultura de antiautoritarismo, tienen una cultura de apoyo a la violencia contra la policía.' España, y Barcelona en particular, también tenían culturas políticas de lucha. Pero luego, dentro de la escena estudiantil, por muchos años, lxs anarquistas no pusieron atención a esa cultura, no trabajaron para renovar esas tradiciones, y en todo ese tiempo, los partidos políticos reformistas promovían valores reformistas, así como lo hacían administradores escolares, y el gobierno mismo, e la reestructuración económica, todo eso. Entonces, se ve un cambio cultural muy distinto en un periodo de una década o menos de una población que milita y lucha a una población pacifista. Y lo mismo se podría decir de los EE.UU., que por lo general aquí tenemos una cultura política de pacifismo, y ¿quién sabe? En una década, podría desaparecer."
La disposición de lxs estudiantes anarquistas a ejercer una política anarquista a pesar de la falta de popularidad de sus ideas les ha servido para promover su causa. "Al mostrar que son completamente diferentes de todxs lxs políticxs entre el alumnado, están efectivamente incrementando su influencia. Porque, en lo cotidiano, lxs políticxs y las personas utilizando tácticas reformistas van a tener todas las ventajas porque el sistema está en nuestra contra, pero cada persona que siente esta injusticia y cuan mal es privatizar la Universidad, cada persona que siente esto como una forma de autoritarismo y como una forma de explotación, hasta cierto grado se identificará con lxs que no se portan como políticxs, o con la genta que contrataca, con lxs que hacen lo que tienen que hacer para alcanzar la libertad."
Una pregunta pedía información sobre la influencia del pacifismo en Grecia. "¡No tenemos pacifismo en Grecia!" declaró Tasos.
La perspectiva griega sobre violencia es diferente, explicó Sissy. "Violencia es cuando los bancos nos roban la vida diaria con préstamos estudiantiles o de cualquier tipo. Debemos tener esto claro en nuestras mentes, qué es violencia y qué no. Violencia viene del estado, y no de la gente luchando contra esta injusticia."
También hay un entendemiento que la cuestión de violencia no es una de moralidad sino de estrategia. "No lo hacemos porque creemos en la violencia. ¿Cuándo toca el momento de mostrar máximo poder? Lo sabe el moviemiento, no el código moral. Es moralismo. No somos una religión."
Otra pregunta fue puesta en torno a perspectivas anarquistas sobre movimientos para defender bienes comunes (como la educación pública o proteccionse para trabajadores) que, en esencia, son auspiciados por el estado, particularmente en el contexto de la catacterización en los medios corporativos de que la mora de crédito del sistema económico griego fue resulta de la existencia de una red generosa de protección social.
"Los gobernadores robaron el dinero, ¿sabes?" respondió Tasos. "Y también robaron nuestras vidas. Luchamos para reclamar nuestras vidas. Y también, es una mentira creer que los servicios públicos o que la salud pública gratuita empeora la economía, porque ¿qué es la economía? ¿Cómo se cuenta? Lo que contamos nosotros es la medida de nuestra felicidad. Y no estamos nada contentxs. Estamos enojadxs. Aunque tengamos salud pública gratuita y educación pública gratuita. ¡Imagínense que tan enojada estará la sociedad norteamericana! Digo, por dentro. Aunque no comprendan o no crean que necesitan salud pública gratuita para todxs. No entienden el concepto, ¿no? Pero esperamos que, lentamente, lentamente, empezarán a comprender. Nosotros realizaremos salud pública gratuita para todxs. Realizaremos educación pública grtuita para todxs. Nadie puede comprobar ante la sociedad que porque tenemos salud gratuita, la economía va mal." Continuó: "¿Qué es la economía? ¡Ellxs cuentan su propio dinero! No nos importan las cifras. Nos vale la crisis. De todas maneras, Grecia lleva ya 30 años en crisis social. Ahora lo dicen con respecto al Euro. ¡No nos importa! No leemos los periódicos economistas. No queremos comprender su forma de pensar. Bueno, comprendemos su forma de pensar, pero tenemos nuestra propia mentalidad. ¿Me entiendes? Hemos construído nuestro propio modo de mirar la vida social."
Concluyó, "lxs anarquistas, quieren una crisis mucho más grande que la crisis actualmente producida por el capitalismo. Pero que ésta sea una crisis llena de conscientización, y lleno de beneficio social, lleno del amor a la vida social. Que la gente se cuide lxs unxs a lxs otrxs. Ésto será muy beneficiosopara toda la sociedad, y es ésta nuestra visión. ¿Cómo va a beneficiar a la sociedad el movimiento anarquista? La sociedad ya no nos mirará como terroristas, ni como enemigxs, ni como gente problemática, porque no lo somos. Somos el pueblo que va a defender la sociedad con toda nuestra potencia. Ésta es la visión para la crisis económica."
Sábado, 7 marzo 2010 SAN BERNARDINO - En una casa particular del Inland Empire, se festejó una noche de poesía que contó con la participación del poeta destacado guatemalteco Simón Pedroza, al igual que poetas y músicos locales. El evento fue patrocinado por la Red de Respuesta Inmediata, un organismo que acude a las necesidades de migrantes detenidxs y sus parientes, y el Comité en Solidaridad con el Pueblo de Atenco y sirvió de recaudación de fondos.
Pedroza, uno de los iniciadores del moviento bizarro de la literatura guatemalteca, está de visita en la república norteamericana y tiene programada una serie eventos en el sur de California.
Presentó brevemente en el café anarquista en el centro de Los Ángeles el día después de llegar, pero este convivio fue su primera recitación completa en el país.
Alrededor de 30 personas, residentes de la región, luchadores sociales, varios compas chapines, estudiantes, y miembros de los Trabajadores de Bodega, la Alianza Solidaridad Obrera, y los Boinas Cafés asistieron al evento.
Después de servirse tacos y tostadas de pollo o de soyrizo con papa, la gente se sentó a mirar un avance del documental Asalto al Sueño al comérselos.
Después, declamó el poeta Emilio los poemas propios "El puño de la mujer," "Soñar y llorar," y "Los jodidos," los últimos con acompañamiento musical.
Luego estalló el verso fosforecente de la poetisa Jessica con varios temas de su repertorio.
Próximamente habló Roberto, quien discursó sobre la amistad y de su deseo de fundar un teatro comunitario de producción de obras en español.
Después, Miguel cantó una canción dedicada al movimiento zapatista de 1994, y otra al Padre Olivares, un luchador social salvadoreño que tomó santuario en la Placita de Los Ángeles.
El poeta Simón Pedroza tomó el escenario para declamar unos versos de algunos de sus poetas preferidos.
Pasó para en frente un activista para compartir un poema dedicado a Victoria Arellano, una mujer trasgénero asesinada por agencias anti-migrantes en 2007, y le siguió Giezi, un poeta estudiante en la Universidad Politécnica de Pomona.
Son Real cantó varias canciones, y terminó el poeta Pedroza con presentar unas selecciones de su obra multimedia.
Saturday, March 6, 2010 CLAREMONT, California - Despite a drizzle, students from Pomona and other Claremont colleges held a follow-up rally in support of the unionization drive for food service workers. Last week, students, arm-in-arm with workers, delivered hundreds of petitions requesting card-check certification for an independent union to Pomona College president David Oxtoby. The petition also requested non-interference from the College during the unionization drive.
Saturday's action, timed to coincide with a meeting of the Pomona College trustees, allowed workers to share their testimonies and featured the participation of religious leaders, musicians, and the grandson of the late labor leader César Chávez, Anthony Chávez.
As the crowd of mostly students assembled outside Bridges Auditorium, they chanted their demands for justice. Mariachi Serrano de Claremont sang "Tristes recuerdos."
A student organizer began with a summary of the situation. "The workers on Monday went to President Oxtoby's office and asked for a non-intimidation agreement, and he did not agree to that. I don't care what words he used, but he did not agree to that.1 So we're here today to show our support and hear from workers, what they think, what they feel. It's the first time that they've had this opportunity, so we're here to show our support for that."
She then introduced Father Patricio Guillén, a longtime social justice advocate in the Inland Empire. "Good afternoon. ¡Sí se puede! ¡Sí se puede! ¡Que viva César Chávez! ¡Que vivan los trabajadores! I was invited to come and share with you, and I think that it's a beautiful occasion, because sometimes crises are looked at as curses, but we are in a crisis in this nation because we have followed the path of power and arrogance rather than humility and service. And we have forgotten that we are one human race bound together and our destiny is to work together to find solutions to the problems that we run into as we journey towards eternity. We just lost a beautiful person, Howard Zinn, he wrote the [People's] History of the United States, and he wrote the good and the bad about it, not to downgrade, but also to remind us that we are on a journey and we have some difficult moments like right now. Here, the workers in Claremont College, Pomona College. As a democracy, we don't have an economic system that's democratic. Eighty percent of the goods in our nation, in the economy is in that hands of about 25%, and 95% of the people posess only 20%, that's not democracy. It's not democracy either to see the political power be concentrated upon the corporations that forget the human person and the dignity of each one of us.
"We also know that we have lost the battle, to some degree, on education and the ideology of imperialism. The means of communication have also been taken over by the powerful. We, as citizens of this coutry have taken for granted our freedom and now, we have to struggle and fight and take those liberties and justice for everyone. Today we're present to say we're in solidarity with the workers of this community because we know that the workers are the ones that do the hardest part of the labor, and they get the least. I think that's an injustice. A living wage should be a dignified wage, a wage for people to live a decent human life! That's why I'm here, and that's why you're here, and I'm proud of you as young people that you're taking seriously your role in the world today. We can co longer afford to have students in our universities that are ivory towers, isolated from the real and the important struggle for like and for liberty.
"That ugly reality that we have is focused on the corporations, which have forgotten, just as the Supreme Court said that they are persons, therefore they can give money to the candidates that run for office. Well if they are, then why don't they pay taxes like everybody else?
"We know that at one time we could say that we were a government for the people, of the people, and by the people, but yet, we have seen it go in the opposite direction: A government by the corporations, for the corporations, and by the corporations. That's because we fell asleep. And we listened to the, as it were, isolated and distorted presentations of 'We don't want large government.' But we want pricate, large corporations? What a contradiction! Today we need to realize to take upon our own the torch of freedom. Our founding fathers said that all men and women are created equal, and they are entitled to their inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It's not true for the workers! That's why we're here. We don't just want one sector of our country to live a high and good life. We want everybody to have a dignified life. We want to live in a world where we don't have to go to war to prove that we are a great nation. We want justice and we want to struggle for it--and democracy--so we can say to the world that we are a people that love and want and respect democracy and justice for all."
Next, Edith, a worker, spoke."Estoy aquí por justicia, y gracias a todos por estar aquí. Mi nombre es Edith [...], yo sólo tengo dos años de trabajar aquí en el colegio y trabajo en el área del salad bar, y me contenta, lo hago con mucho gusto para ustedes.
"Me gusta porque tengo experiencia, como diez años trabajé en el distrito escolar de Ontario, y esto me sirvió de experiencia, y creo que esto me ayuda a desempeñar mejor mi labor.
"Y aquí he notado unas inconveniencias, algunas que existen, injusticias para los compañeros. Como los que han sufrido algunos accidentes. Y los tratos que a ellos se les dan, muchas veces no son justos, y eso para mí se llama injusticia. El miedo que yo tengo es que si algún día, Dios no lo quiera, me pueda suceder algo. Y entonces, ¿qué va a pasar conmigo? Bueno, si ellos están pasando por eso, quizás algo me ha de pasar a mí, y entonces, ¿quién me va a apoyar?"
[I'm here for justice, and thanks to all for being here. My name is Edith [...], I've only been working here at the college for two years, and I work in the salad bar area, and it makes me happy. I'm glad to do it for you. I like it because I have experience, I worked for the Ontario school district for about ten years, and I think it helps me better undertake my work. And I've noticed a few problems here, a few injustices that have happened to some co-workers. Like those who have been in accidents. And the treatment that they receive, are often unfair, and to me, that's injustice. The fear I have is that some day, God forbid, something might happen to me. Then what will become of me? Well, if they are going through this, something could happen to me, and then, who would be there for me?]
The next speaker was Elisea. "Buenas tardes a todos los estudiantes y presentes señores, quizás algunos profesores están aquí en este momento. Trabajadores de Pomona College que nos van a escuchar y tal vez nos pueden ayudar un poquito en esta marcha, en esta lucha que estamos empezando ahorita. Mi nombre es Elisea [...], mi profesión es cashier, clean-up, y set-up. Tengo tres cosas que hacer en el dining hall. Gracias por el apoyo que todos los estudiantes nos han dado, no desde ahorita sino desde siempre. Han pasado años, tengo quince años trabajando ya en el colegio con los estudiantes y siempre nos han ayudado en algunas luchas que hemos tenido, en algunos problemas, y han sido siempre con nosotros aunque tal vez no lo merezcamos pero ellos dejan de hacer sus tareas por estar con nosotros. Pero ellos dicen, 'No le hace. Estaremos con ustedes siempre en la lucha.'"
[Good afternoon to all the students, and maybe there are some professors here with us? You'll hear us Pomona College workers and maybe you can help us a little in this march, in this struggle we're now beginning. My name is Elisea [...], my profession is cashier, clean-up and set-up. I have three jobs in the dining hall. Theanks for the support all the students have given us, not just now, but always. Years have passed, I've been working at the college with the students for fifteen years, and they've always stood with us in some of the struggles we've had, on some problems, and they've always been with us even though we might not deserve it, but they leave their homework aside to be with us. But they say, 'It doesn't matter. We'll always be with you in the fight.'"]
Francisco then gave his testimony. "Mi nombre es Francisco. Yo tengo trabajando para Pomona dieciséis años. A mí lo que me gustaría de todo esto es que se pudiera contratar a más empleados para evitar accidentes. Porque así podemos luchar mejor como podemos trabajar. Porque yo, hace como cinco años tuve un accidente porque tuve que hacer 40 pizzas en una hora. Y con tanta presión... Y yo diría que así como, estando unido todos nosotros como empleados, podemos mejorar todo y tener más poder nosotros contra los empleadores, porque así podemos luchar contra ellos."
[My name is Francisco. I've been working for Pomona for sixteen years. What I'd like to see come out of this is the hiring of more workers to avoid accidents. Because that way, we can improve the ways we're able to work. Because about five years ago, I had an accident because I had to make forty pizzas in an hour. And with so much pressure... I'd say that, us all being together as employees, we can improve everything and have more power for ourselves against the employers, because that way we can fight back against them.]
Don spoke next. "Hello everybody. First of all, I wanna thank all you guys for coming out, supporting us. I've known some of you since you were freshmen, and you're seniors now. And we get, you know, attached to you just like teachers do. So some of you, I feel like you're kinda like my children. So I thank you guys so much for supporting us, most of what--matter of fact, all of what my co-workers say, it's actually all true. And any time anyone has any question and wanna come talk to me, you're welcome to come speak to me freely. Just walk up to me and let me know. I just wanna say also, I came to Pomona because I thought it would be a pleasant work environment. You know, I'm a student myself. I'm back in school. Working at a school actually helps me out. That's why I have a special relationship with most of the students here. And I'm just for fairness. Everything you guys protest, we protested the same thing when we were in college. And it's kinda sad to say that many years later we have to still do this, but this has to be done. We definitely need a union."
Juan then took the stage. "Hola, buenas tardes. Mi nombre es Juan. Soy trabajador de Pomona. Tengo nueve años trabajando. Trabajo de dishwasher. Y quiero darle la gracias a todos por el apoyo que nos están brindando. Nosotros, nos reunimos para tratar de tener el apoyo de todos ustedes y lograr algo, y queremos un poco más de respecto para todos y un mejor salario. Y de mi parte, antes que todo, gracias por el apoyo todos ustedes."
[Hello, good afternoon. My name is Juan. I'm a Pomona worker. I've been working for nine years. I'm a dishwasher. I want to thank you all for the support you've been showing us. We got together to try to get your support and achieve something, and we want a little more respect for everyone and a better wage. For my part, first of all, I want to thak you for your support.]
Benny spoke last. "Gracias por apoyarnos hoy y siempre. Y en verdad, necesitamos todo ese apoyo, porque hay muchas cosas que queremos mejorar en las cocinas de Pomona. Necesitamos que nos den más respecto, y que nos tomen un poco más en cuenta, porque parece que nosotros, el departamento de food service, somos los más abandonados. Ustedes siempre miran unas flores muy bonitas en los jardines de Pomona. Siempre pueden mirar edificios muy bonitos, pero no muchos de ustedes saben lo que realmente pasa en las cocinas y es lo que nosotros, es lo que estamos tratando de hacerles saber en este día, todas las injusticias que estamos pasando. En el pasado ha habido personas, compañeros de trabajo que se han lastimado, y por las pólizas que tiene el colegio, esas personas, después de un año, ya no han sido aceptadas para seguir trabajando. Esas personas han perdido su casa. Se sienten con mucha depresión y yo creo que es necesario cambiar un poco las pólizas. Y creo que todos juntos podemos hacer algo para mejorar todo el ambiente que tenemos aquí en Pomona College."
[Thanks for supporting us today and always. And truly, we need all this support, because there are many things we want to improve in Pomona's kitchens. We need to be accorded more respect, and to be considered, because it seems that we, the food service department, are the most neglected. You always see pretty flowers in Pomona's gardens. You can always see beautiful buildings, but not many of you really know what happens in the kitchens, and that's what we are trying to show you today, all the injustices that we've been experiencing. In the past there have been people, co-workers, who have been hurt, and by the policies that the college has, those people, after one year, are no longer accepted as workers for the following year. Those people have lost homes. They become very depressed and I believe that those policies need to change a bit. I think that together, we can all do something to improve the environment we have here at Pomona College.]
The students and workers then marched to the Smith Campus Center, where they heard from a few more workers, Professor José Calderón, who read a statement of solidarity from Dolores Huerta. Twenty five other colleges also sent letters of support, the professor reported. He also encouraged the students to challenge their professors to become involved in the social change they so often write about, and discussed the card check process. He then informed the crowd that the local Minuteman had taken a position against the creation of a national holiday for César Chávez, saying that "what he did does not merit a holiday,"2 and argued that Chávez does deserve a national holiday for his legacy of non-violence and unity.
Anthony Chávez spoke last, and he began by thanking the professors and students for their involvement in the struggle. "I've been asked to come and speak because I'm César Chávez's grandson, and I'm always very proud of my tata and all of his great work, but before I was even born, my grandfather was out working on behalf of other college staff and faculty when they were organizing. So today, I stand with you as a former college student who's here to see justice for those who feed all the students on the campuses. You guys are all here because you recognize the misnomer promoted by college administrators that say that the dining room workers can only decide the issue through secret ballot elections, and these administrators claim that this is the only way to have a democratic alternative.
"These administrators know this nation's labor laws are broken, they know that when workers vote to be in the union, it's done like any other election in America. They know that all political parties are granted the opportunity to share their opinion, but when employers use a secret ballot election, it's management-rigged balloting. Employers hold all the power, they control all the information the workers get, and they routinely poison the process through intimidation, coercion, and firing. The food workers' struggle here is not new for me, because I grew up among many other types of food workers. The farmworkers, too, have often seen the growers use the secret ballot election as another tool of oppression. At Giumarra Vineyards, the world's largest grape corporation, where I was brought up in Kern, California, workers faced cruel working conditions, and mistreatment, and even two died from extreme heat, to bring us all the fruits and vegetables we enjoy. So 75% of the workers at Giumarra signed a petition saying they wanted to be represented by the United Farm Workers, and a week later, after a secret ballot election, they lost by 49%. California state later threw out this election because of its illegal threats and coercion against the employees. And that's why the farmworkers have convinced the state legislature to pass a bill in each of the last three years, letting the workers choose a process other than secret ballot elections only to have that measure vetoed each time by Governor Schwarzeneggar. And it's why the labor movement is trying to pass a similar bill, the Employee Free Choice Act, in congress, with the support of President Obama. Our workers should be able to vote by signing their name in the privacy of their home or someplace else away from employee bullying. After all, the law allowed homeowners that they couldn't afford with a simple signature. The law allowed banks to loan out money to people who couldn't afford to borrow with a simple signature. The law allow lenders to package these loans and sell them, crippling our economy, with a simple signature. And with a simple signature, all of you can join a gym, and with a simple signature, any one of us can join the armed services. But when American workers seek their fair share in the economic wealth that they themselves produce here at home, they can't sign their names to join a union. What's really at stake here on Pomona College and across this nation is simple self-determination. Courageous workers on this campus are taking a stand, demanding the freedom of a union. Therefore, those of you, as students, have some important questions to ask yourselves. Are you only responsible to your parents and yourselves for being successful in your studies? Or do you owe a broader responsibility to support the dining hall workers who are struggling for a better life against shameful abuse defined on the job site. Is it enough to just sit in class and just study the social ills of society? [...] You have a responsibility to go out there and take part, and be part of the solution. Pomona College cafeteria workers' authentic non-violent aspirations for self-determination cannot be fulfilled in one of the most liberal and wealthy campuses in America, where else is it gonna happen? Who else is gonna do something if not you? The college workers are heroically doing something to redress years of grievances, then what does it say about students on this campus if they remain indifferent, or neutral? How do you stay apathetic in the face of immoral treatment of workers whose only sin is seeking a better life for themselves? Especially when you see the workers the most, and when your tuition pays their salaries? Some words my grandfather shared with students may help us here in this time. He said, 'We cannot seek achievement for ourselves and forget about progress and prosperity for our community. Our ambitions must be broad enough to include the aspirations and needs of others, for their sakes, and for our own.'"
Spang, a Pomona student, then voiced his support for the workers, and Professor Calderón closed the rally by leading a rendition of the farmworker anthem "De Colores."
_____________________________________________ 1. Oxtoby, David. "Text of President Oxtoby’s E-mail." Workers for Justice, March 7, 2010. http://workersforjustice.org/2010/03/text-of-president-oxtobys-e-mail/. Accessed March 11, 2010.
2. Wall, Stephen. "Speaker blasts observance of Chavez holiday." San Bernardino Sun, March 2, 2010. http://www.sbsun.com/news/ci_14499296. Accessed March 11, 2010.
RIVERSIDE - In a demonstration infused with dance, students and workers of the University of California, Riverside demanded an end to fee hikes, staffing furloughs, and cuts in class offerings. They chanted as they marched to downtown Riverside, where they were met by a contingent of student and worker activists from Riverside Community College for another rally. After the speeches, a carefully-orchestrated symbolic "death of public education" and die-in blocked traffic on University Avenue for about five minutes before protesters voluntarily cleared the street and avoided any threat of arrest.
The Inland Empire Invisible Committee kicked things off by hanging a banner from the UCR Belltower in the wee hours of the morning that read "March 4th" and had a picture of a raised fist.
Unfortunately, by the time of the convergence later on that morning, the banner had already been removed, but not before photos of it hit the internet. As students assembled at the base of the belltower, student organizers distributed red shirts to those without, taking small donations when possible. Students stencilled images and slogans on them.
At about noon, speakers began rallying the crowd with chants, elocutions, and poetry.
The first speaker was Stephanie Kay, an educational worker at UCR and a member of the UCAFT, who spoke on behalf of "the non-Senate faculty." "We have a collective bargaining agreement with the UC, so we are both your teachers and workers in the great enterprise we call public education." Aristotle discussed the need for an enlightened body politic, she said, and expressing ourselves as an exercise of public education was one of the ways the philosopher thought we could reach our full potential as human beings. This lofty discourse was cut short, however, by breaking news. "I have just been in a meeting with the administration about your 1C classes, all the classes at the university, and how they've been cut. Well, this took the highfalutin right out of me! This is no time for highfalutin! This is a time for us to act. This is a time to think about how important demonstrations and student activism are, and how important it is for us to be in control and in charge of what our education is and could be and should be! What do we want? We don't want a compromised education. We don't want classes cut. We don't want to have to fight for the right to an affordable education for everyone! This is your right as citizens!" She urged a letter-writing campaign, and asked the students to involve their parents in "making noise," pointing to the effectiveness of protests for restoring cancelled B classes, which stood in the way of many students from graduating.
The following speaker, a student organizer, cautioned against the militancy that has been present at some other student movement engagements. "I know that our brothers and sisters in other areas have had some not-so-peaceful, kinda violent things and we wanna let everyone know that that's not what we're about. We're about peace, we're about non-violence, we're about direct action."
Adriana then orated on behalf of AB540 students. "If you don't know about AB540 students, they have to pay full tuition without any financial help, and that is not fair. Personally, I have to pay $12,000 a year for education out of my own pocket! That shit is not right! It is not right to have to work three jobs to pay for school. It is not right that I have to go through hunger just to pay for school. It is not right that I have to sleep in some of my classes when I should be learning. It is a shame!"
Elliott spoke next. "As an IE native, this sight right here warms my heart. Roots, know what I'm saying? What's going on? They need soldiers for war, so what do they do? They cut education. So when the recruiters come knocking on the door, what do you tell them? What do you tell them? You say 'Hell no!' When you hear from that guy from the Navy with that nice little package and everything, what do you say?"
"Hell no!" the crowd shouted.
He reminded us that "this is a peaceful event. You guys have seen the news, things that are going down in other places, unnecessary destruction of property, all that stuff. It's about peace, and it's about building community, so keep it strong."
Michael, a librarian, then spoke about his involvement with the UC. "I went to UCI, I went to UCLA, I worked at those places, and I came here and I've been here for ten years, and this is the most active and the most dynamic student body I've seen in my time here. You should be proud of yourselves." He proclaimed the support of the librarians for the students, acknowledging that only student demands would lead to provision of services.
Next, a student organizer recited a poem called "The Separation."
e was followed by another speaker. "I'm with a group called Brown Issues, and what we've been doing is we've been holding down discussions of these things that need to be talked about, because we need to pick up the slack in these classrooms." He continued, "We've got 300 people in the class. Is there enough for individual attention? Man, I remember kindergarten, when you all sit down, the teacher says 'What do you need help with?', knows you by your name! And you just feel special, that bond with the teacher, you just feel the love that teacher. I miss those days!" He went on, "Where I'm from, sometimes I get lonely in the classroom, cause I look around and I say, ' Man, who knows what I'm going through?' I made it! I made it through the drugs, through the gangs, through the prostitution. When I think about it, I still feel that hand on my back, pushing me, just pushing me out of the institution called 'education.' They're pushing me out. They're saying, 'Yeah, you made it, but hey, it's time for you to go because you made it without money.'"
"So, we gotta rethink this idea of diversity, because when they call out people and they say 'We want diversity,' I got more in common with poor whites than I do with any rich Black, Brown, or Asian that I could ever lay eyes on. I got more in common with them because they sit down and they say, 'We need diversity,' but that doesn't mean diversity of the mind."
He concluded, "It's a contradiction. It's not a business, it's education. We don't think about it like a business, bet they treat us like a business. They treat us like a commodity! And every one of us has a number above our heads of how much money they can bring in. So let's ask them next time, if you're gonna treat it like a business, then let's treat it like a business. Now, if we step into McDonald's, and they gonna mess up our order, we say, 'Hey, take this back!' We say, 'Either you make this right, or I get my money back. That's what we say! If they're gonna run this like a business, then we say, 'Either you gonna make this right, or you gimme my money back!'"
He was followed by a dining services worker from AFSCME, who shared how budget cuts are affecting workers. He pointed out that the priorities of the regents are giving raises and bonuses to executives, rather than education, where it should be. "I've never been a speaker, I'm just a cook right here," he began, as the crowd erupted into applause, "education of students is number one!" He ended with a chant: "When I say 'Fight back,' you say 'Fuck that!'" "Fight back!" "Fuck that!"
Paul, another educational worker, spoke about education as a public institution, shortages throughout the system, and his attempts to negotiate with decisionmakers, who have urged calm, patience, and reason. "Friends, I cannot be calm. I have lost my very patience. I will not wait! And today, in this matter, I am not a reasonable man!" He reminded us that "this country was born out of the spirit of rebellion and defiance."
Connie then addressed the students and workers. "57% of our taxes go to war. What can we do with 57% of our money? She subsequently invited us to the March 20th antiwar demonstration in Hollywood. "We have to show that we have a lot of people who care. These demonstrations are safer. Some people are concerned because of MacArthur Park. This is a coupla years ago when the police knocked cameras out of journalists' arms. The last demonstration I was in, the police let us do anything you wanted. They just stayed back and smiled, so I have no fear that they're gonna do anything to us."
Curtis, another worker from AFSCME then spoke, followed by another student organizer, who discussed a lobby visit to Sacramento. "When the new speaker was sworn in, you could hear us chanting outside. And the new speaker said, 'I stand with those students outside.' He then introduced UCR Chancellor Tim White. "He's been very supportive," one student told me, "he promised no reprisals against students and workers who participate today."
The chancellor defected blame toward Sacramento, urging students to face north and thrice shout "fund education."
The speeches ended with the UFW unity clap, and then members of the UCR dance department taught the crowd some gestures to go along with the words, "Justice," "education," and "Equality." "It's kind of like yelling, except this time, you're gonna be moving." We learned the motions and practiced them. "You'll be hearing that throughout the day, and that'll be a way to unify, to stay together, and to keep pumped up."
Another round of poems and encouraging words was shared.
Then the march around the campus began, rallying students to walk out of class and join the resistance.
About twenty-five trained "peacekeepers" lined the parade route, urging us to remain on the sidewalk. "Whose university?!" one protestor questioned when told where not to march.
Leaving the grounds, students marched down University Avenue, chanting and shouting all the while. "What do we want? Education!" "Whose university? Our university!" "No cuts, no fees! Education should be free!"
Meanwhile, a similar rally was going on at Riverside Community College, which also departed for downtown.
They stopped at the corner of Market and University, appropriating city electrical boxes to use them as drums to further the message. Passing motorists honked their support for the movement.
When the UCR contingent appeared on the horizon, a cheer went up and the RCC faction rushed to meet them in the downtown plaza.
After a while of chanting and milling about in front of the Sweeney Art Gallery,
another rally was held, repeating many of the speeches from the UCR rally. There was some variety, however. One student organizer spoke on behalf of immigration reform. We also heard from community college students, who spoke about the situation on their campuses. We were also treated to a stump speech from a Democratic politician, with the complicity of student organizers.
The UCR dance department performed another number, this one a Haitian dance.
Shortly after the speeches, green-vested peacekeepers, with the support of LiUNA and Warehouse Workers United volunteers, stood alongside the crosswalks connecting the plaza to the other side of University Avenue. A large tombstone was placed in the center of the street, and a student frocked with a graduation robe was carried in to be laid to rest at its foot.
"These students represent the students pushed out of education by rising costs," declared a woman via megaphone. "We have the ability to realign our priorities in this state and prevent the death of public education." She then invited the members of the public to join in a die-in in the middle of the street, which we did.
Eventually, everyone got up and got out of the street. A few more words were said, and the rally was adjourned.
March 4, 2010 RIVERSIDE - In a demonstration infused with dance, students and workers of the University of California, Riverside demanded an end to fee hikes, staffing furloughs, and cuts in class offerings. They chanted as they marched to downtown Riverside, where they were met by a contingent of student and worker activists from Riverside Community College for another rally. After the speeches, a carefully-orchestrated symbolic "death of public education" and die-in blocked traffic on University Avenue for about five minutes before protesters voluntarily clear the street and avoided any threat of arrest.
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Adriana then orated on behalf of AB540 students. "If you don't know about AB540 students, they have to pay full tuition without any financial help, and that is not fair. Personally, I have to pay $12,000 a year for education out of my own pocket! That shit is not right! It is not right to have to work three jobs to pay for school. It is not right that I have to go through hunger just to pay for school. It is not right that I have to sleep in some of my classes when I should be learning. It is a shame!"
The chancellor defected blame toward Sacramento, urging students to face north and thrice shout "fund education."
